Touching the names of the dead on memorials was common gesture of grieving in the inter-war period; sometimes mourners would also kiss the names. After the war, a bronze memorial plaque, inscribed with the name of the deceased alongside Britannia and a lion, and a scroll, sent to the next of kin of those had died in the service of the British Empire.
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A large number of soldiers who died in the war were never found, and similarly bodies were recovered that could not be identified; once again, this required new forms of memorial. The scale of the issue was once again huge: 73, Allied dead were never found at the Somme, for example, either because their bodies had been lost, destroyed or were unrecognisable, more than one in ten of the losses in the battle. One of the key developments in memorials to the war, the cenotaph , used an empty tomb to symbolise these aspects of the war. In , Britain and France planned victory marches through their respective capitals and as part of this France decided to erect a temporary cenotaph, an empty sarcophagus monument, which would be saluted by the marching troops.
In contrast to the empty cenotaph, another new form of memorial, the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier , used the idea of burying one of the unidentified bodies from the war as a symbolic memorial to all of the lost soldiers.
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Other countries considered similar memorials. The US constructed a Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in ; while the idea was clearly a foreign concept, it proved very popular with the American public and by was attracting over 1. Ceremonies came to surround many memorials; many memorials were formally opened or unveiled in public ceremonies, while others were used for recurring ceremonies on commemorative days.
Memorials in Britain and France were typically opened in civic ceremonies involving local dignitaries, veterans and the next-of-kin of fallen servicemen. Some ceremonies were formed around the memorials on specific days of the year. During the war, the British had commemorated the 4 August as Remembrance Day, but this was superseded at the end of the conflict by Armistice Day on 11 November each year.
Armistice Day ceremonies also became important in France.
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The early ceremonies were organised by veterans' associations on the 11 November, but in the French government became concerned that these ceremonies were impacting on industrial productivity and moved the commemoration to the first available Sunday. Other important days were commemorated at memorials around the world. Australia commemorated Armistice Day, but held larger scale commemorations around Anzac Day on 25 April.
In some locations, these ceremonies could prove controversial. Canada — ceremonies on Armistice Day in the s not straightforward in Montreal; predominantly Anglican and English, with French and Catholic elements largely excluded until the end. The emotional character of the ceremonies around the memorials changed as grieving took place and many individuals, inevitably, continued with their lives.
Organised or structured visits to war memorials became popular during the inter-war years.
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These were often termed pilgrimages, in keeping with the spiritual and religious nature of the journeys. Tensions existed between those who travelled to the sites as tourists and those who perceived themselves as pilgrims. Along the Western front these began quite early after the war and continued for several decades, dropping in number in the mids, when interest in the war temporarily diminished, and again in the Great Depression years of the early s. Guidebooks for English-speaking visitors became common, including a number of official publications, some extremely detailed.
Eisenhower spent years working on a guide to American battlefields. There is not a single stone which has not sheltered scores of loyal young hearts, whose one impulse and desire was to fight and, if need be, to die for England. In central and eastern Europe, the state played a greater role in organising these pilgrimages. The National Orthodox Romanian Women's Society, supported by the church and the state, played an important part in enabling regular pilgrimages to important Romanian sites up until In Italy, these involved large, state-influenced organisations, and the government steadily discouraged private visits or unofficial groups from taking part in alternative ceremonies at these sites.
The memorials to World War I were frequently politicised, either by the debates over their construction and design, or by the symbolism incorporated into them. Even where attempts were made to ensure political neutrality, as in France where the inscriptions on memorials were usually deliberately neutral, avoiding political controversy, national politics influenced the symbolism and messages incorporated into the memorials.
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Pacifism slowly began to emerge after the war, but very few war memorials communicated a pacifist message, largely because in the s, most in the victorious countries felt that the war, while costly in human life, had been worth fighting. Those who supported the war were keen to see the ideals of justice and freedom embodied in the designs; those who opposed the conflict sought memorials that would convince people to avoid future slaughter. Religious differences and tensions could make it difficult to design inclusive war memorials.
In US, the separation of church and state meant that crosses were discouraged. World War I memorials were also involved in the civil wars and ethnic disputes of the inter-war period. After independence and the civil war, for example, the Republic of Ireland did not prioritise commemorating the dead of World War I, and indeed the events were largely ignored. Other multi-ethnic parts of Europe frequently found war memorials equally contentious. In Flanders, the IJzertoren , a controversial Flemish memorial tower, was opened in , commemorating the sacrifices during the war, but also celebrating Flemish identity and marking the hard treatment of Flemish activists by the Belgian authorities during the conflict.
The Fascist movements in Italy and Germany in the s and s made extensive use of World War I memorials to communicate a political message. The later German monuments constructed by the Nazi government were substantial, but communicated a limited range of symbolic messages, focusing on German heroism, conservative nationalism sentiments and masculinity.
Most World War I war designers attempted to produce memorials that were, as cultural historian Jay Winter describes, noble, uplifting, tragic and endurably sad. Professional concern was raised in several countries about the quality of memorials. Australians expressed critical concern from onwards about the poor quality of the sculptures of soldiers on memorials, the blame being placed on the cheap reproductions by stone masons. Many designers were involved in the construction of memorials, but some became particularly well known for their work in this area.
Many of the sculptors active on the memorials were established, Victorian-era individuals; the war had disrupted the training of a new generation, and many young sculptors had been killed. World War I memorials made extensive use of symbolism and allegory. Major memorial themes, such as victory and death all had their symbols. Many Canadian and British soldiers are shown raising a hat or a rifle, a sign of victory first introduced into Boer War memorials.
By far the most important source of symbolism on memorials, however, is Christian imagery and icons. Religious imagery permeated many war memorials, even the secular. The widespread use of Christian symbolism led to questions about how to produce memorials suitable for non-Christians. This was a large, simple stone, intended to resemble an altar and evoke the theme of sacrifice. Many memorials drew on a classical style of architecture to produce their effect.
This had been a popular style for many pre-war memorials, such as those for the dead of the Boer War, and used Greek or Roman structures, styles and symbolism. Some inter-war architects developed this approach further.
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Some traditional classical memorials had been criticised in both England and Germany as being fussy and overly ornate. Many classical themes were used in this way. Thiepval Memorial , for example uses the classical themes of a victory arch and an abstract pattern of diminishing arches to produce what historian Jay Winter has termed "an embodiment of nothing". Classical themes, like Christian symbolism, emphasised the sacred nature of the memorial sites. This cross, in a classical style and featuring a white cross and an inverted bronze sword, was designed by Sir Reginald Blomfield for the War Graves Commission, widely used in Commonwealth countries.
In some countries, particularly Germany and England, memorials used a medieval style , reaching back to a more distant past. Some of these medieval styled memorials were set in existing medieval buildings, fusing older and newer themes. Memorial church windows, for example, could combine medieval and modern features, including armoured knights on horseback, modern weapons-including-tanks and aircraft-and modern national flags.
New memorial buildings could also adopt a medieval style. The Scottish National War Memorial , for example, a Scots baronial styled memorial hall complete with stained glass in Edinburgh Castle , attempts to blend in with the surrounding medieval fortress. Medievalism was popular with mourners because it reached back to the past, attempting to heal some of the discontinuities and ruptures of the war. Only a minority of war memorials used some of the newer styles emerging in the inter-war period, such as modernism , realist and Art Nouveau approaches.
As noted above, typically existing, traditional themes were preferred for memorials as a way of grounding mourning in a more familiar perspective.
Nonetheless, some of the memorials to use the newer styles became particularly famous. There are a handful of memorials conducted in an Art Deco style, including the ANZAC War Memorial in Sydney which uses the delicate aspects of the Art Deco style to invoke sadness in the viewer, and is the only war memorial in the world to depict a naked soldier. Realism and early modernist principles were applied in Britain to produce a critique of the conventional classical approach and the concept of a "beautiful death", most notably by Charles Jagger.
The sheer size of the piece creates a dehumanizing impact, despite the portrayal of a team of artillerymen, including a covered corpse. Historical accuracy was important to many British designers, resulting in the use of genuine military equipment as models for memorials, and long discussions with committees over the details to be incorporated into designs.enter site
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The Second World War that broke out in consumed the attention of a new generation. Across most of the theatres of conflict, the participants attempted to respect the memorials to World War I. After the Second World War there was no equivalent mass construction of memorials to the war dead; instead, often local World War I memorials were adapted for use instead: additional names might be inscribed to the existing lists. The Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Washington, for example, was expanded in s to include corpses from the Second World War and Korea War, broadening the memorial's remit to commemorate most modern wars.
In Italy and Germany, saw the collapse of Fascism; many memorials in Italian towns and cities were used to execute and display the bodies of the overthrown regime, and the inter-war Fascist pilgrimages and ceremonies around the memorials were abandoned and quickly forgotten.
Related On the Battlefield of Memory: The First World War and American Remembrance, 1919–1941
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